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Should we/you support the Iraqi maquis in resisting US military-imperialism in Iraq ?

 
 
sdv (non-human)
09:08 / 28.07.04
Occasionally I read a text that gives me some hope for humanity – such a one is Susan Watkins editorial in NLR (New Left Review 28) entitled 'Vichy on the Tigris'. It's an article on the current state of Iraq and supplies sufficient detail, all of which can be verified because of the quality of the citations, on the colonial occupation of Iraq. It can make one smile at the obviousness of the imperialism and yet at the same time to understand the inevitablity of the armed resistance. It is an article that ends with the following proposal that the US "...military-imperialist thrust into Central Eurasia has become the basis of a new world consensus: the hegemon must not be allowed to fail. The first elementary step against such acquiescence is solidarity with the cause of national liberation in Iraq. The us-led forces have no business there. The Iraq maquis deserve full support in fighting to drive them out..."

Some numbers and facts: 3.2 bn is being spent on military bases in Iraq, the Prime Ministter of Iraq is an ex-CIA agent, he used to run one of Saddam's death squads in the 70s. He was part of the INA which bombed school bound buses in Iraq in the early 90s. He was responsible for the phantasy of the 45 mins WMD claims... In other words he has the resume/cv of a classic colonial puppet leader.

So then in this ongoing struggle should one take sides or is it the case that it is to early to accept that the coalition adventure is an act of classic imperialism...?

Read the article...
 
 
ONLY NICE THINGS
09:51 / 28.07.04
From our "note of caution" division: to talk about the "Iraq maquis" might be seen as Godwintastic Nazis-evil-evil-Nazis stuff that we have been so concerned about. It's the rhetoric of "evil" writ large.

So, question the first - is this colonialism/imperialism etc?
Question the second - what is the difference between this round of colonialism/imperialism and the last one?
Question the third - aren't we mixing our metaphors a bit? The occupation of France in World War 2 was, if arguably imperialist, certainly not traditionally colonial.
Question the fourth - if it *is* colonialism/imperialism, should we be supporting (uncritically?) the actions of all those opposed to it? That is, have "colonialist" and "imperialist" replaced "evil" in our list of words that abrogate all other ethical considerations?
 
 
sdv (non-human)
09:59 / 28.07.04
Tannce/all

just to be clear that it is a quote and not one I would normally have raised myself - in the text there is a precise parallel drawn between anti-colonial struggles and the resistance struggles during the second world war. It is a one that whilst difficult for us, especially those of us who are US citizins, but which we would be well advised to think carefully about and not to discard or resist in a knee-jerk reaction.

(I know you are not doing that... before you assume that is what I am implying).

I don't know how you can argue it is not a colonial adventure/invasion however...
 
 
ONLY NICE THINGS
11:01 / 28.07.04
Did I? I think I asked the question, is all. I also pointed out that the Maquis were not a force resisting colonialism in the sense of the term we understand either in the Raj or in Iraq. Ergo, the comparison the article is drawing is historically questionable (Pétain, for example, hardly fits the profile of death squad leader and CIA stooge, now, does he?), and primarily convenient because it means that the forces of empire get to be called Nazis. So, this is thinkign carefully about it. In what sense exactly does Marshal Pétain resemble Allawi, for example? Was he a German spy? Was he a member of Georges Clemenceau's death squads?

So, when one asks "is this imperialism/ colonialism?", our intelligent reader might ask him or herself whether this is following an established colonial model, or creating a new model with elements of prior models, which might profitably therefore not be mapped precisely onto another historical model, in particular a deeply Eurocentric model involving exciting Nazis, which strikes me as a pretty knee-jerk reaction in itself.
 
 
sdv (non-human)
12:56 / 28.07.04
A reasonable point - but of course given that the text is precisely not eurocentric in it's intention or tone I think a little unjust. (any eurocentrism is obviously my accident/fault and not the original authors) Eurocentrism in this case would surely be to try and argue the case that the Iraq adventure is not an act of colonialism simply because it didn't fit the traditional western models ?

Curiously enough I think the event does fit the Fanon/Hallward line of anti-colonialist thought rather than the more modish Spivak/Bhabi post-colonialist line of thought -- no insult to the latter is intended...
 
 
ONLY NICE THINGS
13:25 / 28.07.04
Eurocentrism in this case would surely be to try and argue the case that the Iraq adventure is not an act of colonialism simply because it didn't fit the traditional western models ?

I see your point, but it's not quite what I meant. I don't recall saying that the Iraq adventure is not an act of colonialism, only asking what is useful about that description. In this case, the Eurocentrism lies in pulling in the idea of Nazi occupation because it happens to be a very resonant image for the European readership of the New Left Review, and allows the European readership of the New Left Review not only a handy peg on which to hang the action, even if it is not actually germaine (as I say, in what sense is Pétain *like* Allawi? None of the facts you give about him match up), but also allows the readers of the New Left Review not only to heroise the various forces opposing the current administration, but also to heroise themselves, as those supporting those who are opposing those who are, for the purposes of the discussion, Nazis.

This is just like the "evil" discussion we were having earlier - "Nazi" is a way of expressing a transcendent negative moral quality for the left, like "fascist" - something the opposing of which is a necessary moral duty. Which, neatly enough, ties into the logic of ressentiment used elsewhere...
 
 
sdv (non-human)
15:58 / 28.07.04
Tannce

Ah that's clear - and I can see how such a thought is arrived at. But it's unnecessarily harsh on the NLR reader. For you are assuming that the average NLR reader can easily define the fascist actions of the Second World War and the associated Holocaust as an event of 'colonialism come home'. Whilst I might draw such parallels for other reasons than this (courtesy of Lindquist, Venn and Lyotard primarily and intended to prevent the transcendent issue you refer to...) -- I do not believe that the average reader of NLR is any more likely to accept such a thought than you are.

But the political purpose of arguing that there is a similarity between the Vichy regime and the current Iraqi govenment does seem to be to cause that sharp intake of breath that often precedes a strange and challenging thought.

Now it's true that I'm prepared to carry out this thought experiment to avoid the trap of arguing that the holocaust is more special than it is, precisely to avoid the eurocentric placing of the holocaust as unique... (How many people have you met who have argued that holocaust is the defining event of the 20th C ? I've lost count myself...)

And I have given no facts to compare the two regimes - if you wish to put forward reasons why Susan Watkins comparison is incorrect go ahead, it will be interesting to see if it rings true. Nor did anything I said attempt to heroise anyone - that is not and was never my intention. It is your always apparant desire to stand of the edge and never to take the risk of commitment - you can never be wrong from such a standpoint, though i am amused by the fact that your answer to the original question is obvious but never stated...
 
 
ONLY NICE THINGS
16:16 / 28.07.04
And I have given no facts to compare the two regimes

You said, in support of the idea of the "Iraqi Maquis" and possibly quoting Susan Watkins:

, the Prime Ministter of Iraq is an ex-CIA agent, he used to run one of Saddam's death squads in the 70s. He was part of the INA which bombed school bound buses in Iraq in the early 90s

I asked what historical parallels were being drawn with Marshall Pétain. Now I am being told that no such parallels are being drawn, because no such statement is being made. I am, I think understandably, a bit confused.

I can certainly say that calling the US Nazis, the Allawi regime collaborators and those opposing them Maquis will cause a sharp intake of breath. However, at the moment mine remains a sharp intake of breath at what a strange and self-congratulatory comparison it is. One might as well say the Iraq is like Bythinia, the US like the Romans and al-Sadr is like Mithridates. It makes about as much sense and it's a lot more local.

So, maybe we should begin by trying to work out whether we want the US to be the Nazis and Allawi the collaborating Frenchman, or the US the colonists and Allawi the Oxford-educated client prince...
 
 
ONLY NICE THINGS
16:18 / 28.07.04
Incidentally, what is my obvious answer to the question?
 
 
Linus Dunce
18:15 / 28.07.04
Tell me why the Vichy government was a bad thing, given the circumstances. If you were the French government of the day, what would you have done?
 
 
sdv (non-human)
19:09 / 28.07.04
Yes I said: "...Some numbers and facts: 3.2 bn is being spent on military bases in Iraq, the Prime Minister of Iraq is an ex-CIA agent, he used to run one of Saddam's death squads in the 70s. He was part of the INA which bombed school bound buses in Iraq in the early 90s. He was responsible for the phantasy of the 45 mins WMD claims... In other words he has the resume/cv of a classic colonial puppet leader...."

And I quoted Watkins 'Iraqi maquis' I did not claim this latter statement was accurate or truthful - the former statement however is, as the sources for the information are readily available. The statement does not however support the idea of the Iraq resistance being equivilant to 'maquis' -- they are after all a non-1st world resistance which have rarely asked for or been given the support they deserve. (Nor am I suggesting that in this case 'we' should support them - the question is not a rhetorical questin but a genuine one).

It is you who proceeded to get upset at the idea that a Watkins writing in NLR who draws a comparison between the two regimes and assumed that this was necessarily what I believed to be true... Though to be honest given your repsonses to what Watkins is suggesting I'm beginning to see the strength of the argument...
 
 
sdv (non-human)
19:14 / 28.07.04
Linus

It took two years for effective armed resistence to develop in France.

It would have been nice if they had not cooperated with the Germans in mass exportation of jews and others. They didn't actually have to - for example there is the alternative case of Bulgaria which had a pure fascist govenment which did not...

This is a different case of course - in that the Bulgarian govenment seems not to have been anti-semitic for some bizarre reason...
 
 
Linus Dunce
19:26 / 28.07.04
Yes, it would have been nice if they'd not cooperated quite so much. Nevertheless, why was the Vichy government a bad thing, given the circumstances? Would it have been better not to surrender?
 
 
sdv (non-human)
21:41 / 28.07.04
It's an interesting question: in general twentieth century resistance movements have been quite slow to organise themselves. In the French case the French Deputies voted in "favor of a collaborationist regime under Marshall Petain... and the majority of non-Jewsih people settled down to life under the Occupation..." (This is confirmed in Sartre's SWar Dairies if you want a source text). But the pattern was similar across Europe. Watkins quotes two years for the French resistance movement to organize themselves. I'm really unsure how long the typical non-european resistance movements took to become an effective movement, but suspect it's as much to do with the lack of weapons as anything else. The VietMinh/Vietcong for example were supplied with weapons out of China and Russia, mostly Russia I believe with similar supply chain issues. Anti-colonial resistance does seem to take time to develop normally... I mention this to point out the extent to which people resist, not always but often. Watkins states that Petain's govenment actually had more political autonomy than the puppet govenment in Baghdad has - there is evidence to support this claim especially the 160,000 troops and the oil revenues the coalition are using to pay for the rebuilding.
 
 
sdv (non-human)
21:43 / 28.07.04
sorry i should have said it would have made no difference... The imposition would have made no substantial difference.
 
 
ONLY NICE THINGS
21:50 / 28.07.04
Ah... so, when you said:

It's an article on the current state of Iraq and supplies sufficient detail, all of which can be verified because of the quality of the citations, on the colonial occupation of Iraq.

that was unrelated to the statements you made in the second paragraph, of which you say:

And I quoted Watkins 'Iraqi maquis' I did not claim this latter statement was accurate or truthful - the former statement (presumably the description of Allawi's history and other data that undermines the comparison of the Vichy régime to present-day Iraq, but it's a bit hard to follow) however is, as the sources for the information are readily available

The Watkins article does not mention them, and you merely put them in to give us a bit of backstory, since the one thing Barbelith is lamentably short on is information on the occupation of Iraq. Fair enough. I fear I was misled by the thread title and the topic abstract, both written to the best of my knowledge by yourself rather than la Watkins, referring to the "Iraqi Maquis".

It is you who proceeded to get upset at the idea that a Watkins writing in NLR who draws a comparison between the two regimes and assumed that this was necessarily what I believed to be true

I'm not sure what the missng clause in this sentence was going to say so I don't follow its intent, but I don't think I was *upset*. I certainly don't recall being upset. I was confused, and felt that the evidence presented did not support the "Maquis" statement, which has now been explained by the fact that the evidence I took to be corroborating is not in fact related to the article at all, and that I had been misled by the appearance in the thread topic and abstract blah blah fishcakes.

What I *am* is a little bored with the way that, if you are not immediately hailed as the cleverest and best of all, you move in with the personal speculation and insults, such as:

It is your always apparant desire to stand of the edge and never to take the risk of commitment - you can never be wrong from such a standpoint, though i am amused by the fact that your answer to the original question is obvious but never stated...

What does this add to the discussion? Nothing, except a depressing awareness that you are more interested in talking about me than about the actual subject matter, because it is easier, and means you do not have to pay attention to the actual arguments. This "upset" cant is of the same order - you seem intent on proving, at least to yourself, that anyone who does not immediately agree with you is not reasonable, is rather somehow driven by primal chthonic urges - emotions, damn them - that must be exposed as the grim simulacra they are in the face of your effulgent categorical imperative. It's Modzero with an A-level and it is wearying.

If you are unhappy with the idea of being questioned or challenged, to the extent of having to pathologise it when it happens, is there a way you could flag it up in the topic abstract next time? We have had non-debate threads before - I'm sure we could revive the tradition. If you would like to take this further, could I ask you either to PM me or to start a thread in the Conversation or the Policy? Thanks.

Now, to bring this back to *Iraq and Vichy* - as we discovered again today, the primary targets of at least some opposition is other Iraqis, and specifically Iraqi policemen, on the grounds that they are softer targets than the heavily protected US military. There is, to extend the colonial metaphor, a tradition of poorly-equipped local troops being used as cannon fodder, from the Roman Auxiliaries to the Sepoy Legions and beyond, which seems to suggest that a case could be made that much the same thing is being done here.

Problem being, once you overthrow the colonial oppressors, you are still going to need, unless you manage to overthrow Statism and Capitalism at the same time, some form of policing. Having been purged of Ba'athists and subsequently repurged of American and administration appointees, the Iraqi police force might look a bit thin on the ground. So, what do you do? To look at another conquered nation, there was a long silence over the involvement of the Dutch police in helping to identify Jews. Indeed, if I recall correctly, one policeman was dismissed for refusing to participate, applied to be reinstated after the war and received a distinct cold shoulder. There's an article by Frank Bovenkerk which I think has some useful stuff on this, if anyone can find it.

So, whjy did the Netherlands choose not to purge its "collaborationist" police force or civil service? Refusal to admit responsibility? Shame? Pragmatism?

This strikes me as a problem - right now, from the Maquis point of view, any Iraqi not taking action against the Iraqi administration is a collaborator and an enemy, and thus presumably subject to military action, or at least, if neither helping nor hindering, an allowable if regrettable casualty. However, what is the actual aim of the activity? On one level, to talk about a single Iraqi resistance, with a single aim, is I feel oversimplifying. However, was the aim of the Maquis to impair to the best of their ability the capacity of the occupying nation to resist the liberation by external forces of the country (that is, the removal of the occupying force), or simply to cause as much damage to the structure of the occupying forces as possibel, with no other aim? Since there seems to be no immediate likelihood of the forcible removal of the occupying force by forces from another quarter, the aim of the Iraqi resistance, broadly, is presumably to make it logistically too costly for a US/Coalition/UN presence to remain within Iraq, and then to remove the "collaborationist" government, replacing it with a form of government favoured probably variously by different groups, or possibly to register displeasure at the presence of the aforementioned by causing as much damage as possible?

Does that seem like a reasonable surmise? Now, is that an aim we should be supporting? And if so, how would we like to see it done (a) and what should we do to support it (b)?
 
 
sleazenation
09:54 / 29.07.04
I think this question hinges to a large extent to the importance attached to sovereignty, or perhaps more accurately, independence . The US backed Iraqi government is not capable of being independent by the very fact that it was imposed on the country by an outside agency. Practical considerations, such as the overwhelming likelihood that in a guerrilla campaign to make Iraq ungovernable by a US backed-regime those most likely to suffer are ordinary Iraqis are likely to be secondary to people willing to die for their country’s independence - Live free or die anyone?

I can see reasons why this view could find sympathy in the US, but have a feeling that it is unlikely to become common currency. As for questions about what westerners sympathetic to the cause of an Iraq that is truly independent from the influence of its recent occupier could do to promote that cause– I’m not sure there is any answers to be had in the immediate future . To a large extent that question was rendered moot by the invasion. It may well be that a truly independent, one that is free from US influence is at its earliest, generations away.
 
 
We're The Great Old Ones Now
12:02 / 29.07.04
"Support" how?

And are the "Maquis" any better than the man in charge?
 
 
Linus Dunce
18:08 / 29.07.04
i should have said it would have made no difference...

Refusing to surrender would have made no difference? Don't you think the Germans might have become a teenzy bit annoyed? Don't you think refusing to surrender might have forced their hand just a little?

I think this question hinges to a large extent to the importance attached to sovereignty, or perhaps more accurately, independence.

To sdv, it seems, independence is absolutely paramount. Better decapitated than capitalist, or something like that. Bless him.
 
 
ONLY NICE THINGS
22:41 / 29.07.04
So maybe that's a way to go - are we all collaborationist, by existing in a capitalist system? The start of this thread was predicated on the idea that there was a resistance that we could somehow support, but maybe actually our concern has to be attempting to offset the shoulder we are putting to the wheel of the capitalist, colonialist, imperialist or similar hegemony? So, is that something we should be doing (a) and how do we go about it (b)?
 
 
We're The Great Old Ones Now
07:37 / 31.07.04
Frankly, it probably isn't us. The 'cadre' revolution is a travesty. It has to be about all those people who wouldn't ever read Barbelith because it was full of... us.
 
 
We're The Great Old Ones Now
15:32 / 04.08.04
Having apparently killed the thread, I feel I ought to try to fix it...

Okay. Many of the things we talk about here are effectively negative. XYZ is wrong, we shouldn't do it. Maybe the point is to go beyond that and assert a positive alternative. The edifice of Liberal Democratic Capitalism (or Corpocracy, depending on your point of view) is pretty vast - we need an entire other edifice - or maybe something similarly vast but less imposing and apparently imperial. So rather than saying "cars=oil culture=pollution=bad", you have to say "alternative fuel cars=clean air=no longer oil-dependent=cool". With that comes the possibility of (for example) "not oil-dependent=not dependent on Saudi Arabia=can assert Human Rights in Saudi=not toal bastards". I realise these are simplistic examples, I'm struggling for something here.

I guess what I'm saying is this would be a piecemeal subsitution game - a revolution by degrees. Not a massive flare-up, but the creation, bit by bit, of a cultural and political apparatus which is not geared to the self-destructive urges our current one seems to have - always with each step integrated, the consequences and benefits understood as part of the package, and the equally fun alternative to whatever must be given up being touted. So maybe we're looking at horse traffic in London again.... who knows?

(Don't get me started on my desire to re-forest Essex.)

So to answer the Haus's question, step one would be to identify the behaviour you dislike, and step two would be to propose credible alternatives which answer the same needs. So it's no good, for example, addressing the possibility of terrorism solely by talking about foreign aid - you have to address security as well. That needn't be a bad thing - the War On Terror and the War On Drugs are both quagmired because international financial institutions are putting pressure on governments to retain their frankly questionable secrecy clauses. The $700m per year illegal economy (that's mostly drugs, by the way) could not function without the power of conventional corporations blocking financial reform. Similarly, the War On Terror's investigations into terror funding founder instantly at the Saudi border, and the West is unwilling to press the point. So these boogeymen Wars could be the crowbar to open the closed books of high finance.

Any takers?
 
  
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